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Boris Johnson Partygate inquiry

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Boris Johnson has set out his defence against claims he misled MPs over parties in Downing Street during lockdown.

The former prime minister has accepted that he did indeed mislead Parliament when he said the guidance and rules were followed at all times – but he insists this was not on purpose.

So the focus now turns to whether it was “inadvertent, reckless or intentional”.

This will be the central issue when Mr Johnson is questioned in person by MPs on the Privileges Committee on Wednesday.

Here are some of the key arguments likely to feature in the televised grilling.

Moving the goalposts

Mr Johnson will challenge the committee’s pursuit of alleged “recklessness”.

His legal team believes it should consider only whether he “deliberately” misled the Commons.

And he himself has suggested the concept of “recklessness” is “unprecedented and absurd”.

Regulations versus guidance

Mr Johnson has said the committee should only be examining for accuracy his statements about compliance with Covid regulations and not the guidance.

The Commons had agreed that the committee look at his “assertions about the legality of activities in Downing Street”.

So Mr Johnson argues the committee is exceeding its remit because guidance – unlike regulations – isn’t legally enforceable.

This argument is likely to get short shrift from the committee.

The full resolution passed by MPs – and which set up its inquiry – specifically cites statements made by Mr Johnson, as potentially misleading.

That includes statements made on 1 December 2021, when Mr Johnson said “all guidance was followed completely in Number 10”; and on 8 December 2021, that “the guidance was followed and the rules were followed at all times”.

And the committee is concerned with whether what he said was true, rather than the distinction between regulations and guidance.

Nobody told me

A major clash is likely to occur over a large pillar of Mr Johnson’s defence.

He claims he was never told that any of the gatherings at the heart of government – for which some attendees were subsequently fined – were against the rules, and that he was explicitly told some were compliant.

The committee will question why Mr Johnson relied on the advice of his then-communications chief, a political special adviser, rather than a permanent civil servant when establishing whether the 18 December 2020 “Christmas party” followed the rules.

And they will scrutinise whether that advice was ever intended to form the basis of a statement to the House rather than simply be used as a line for dealing with press inquiries.

Mr Johnson will say that a senior civil servant – his principal private secretary Martin Reynolds – also believed that rules were being complied with.

But in his evidence, he doesn’t say he took Mr Reynolds’s specific advice before making his now misleading statements to MPs.

(Mr Reynolds, incidentally, was the official who invited staff to “bring their own booze” to an event in the Downing Street garden in May 2020.)

And Mr Johnson says his then-parliamentary aide Andrew Griffith had been present when “multiple” Downing Street staff assured him that the 18 December party was within the rules.

The committee is likely to spend some time on whether the PM was assiduous enough in taking advice on compliance – and this may determine whether they believe he was “reckless” or not.

One rule for us

The committee has another line of attack – that Mr Johnson doesn’t need to rely entirely on officials to know if rules were followed or flouted.

They say the evidence they have already seen “suggests breaches of the guidance would have been obvious at the time he was at the gatherings”.

They refer to photographs which suggest there wasn’t much social distancing at some of the No 10 events which the then-PM attended.

But Mr Johnson is expected to put up a robust defence.

Firstly, that the photos were taken by No 10’s official photographer, and had rule-breaking been “obvious”, it certainly wouldn’t have been captured for pictorial posterity.

And secondly, that social distancing was all but impossible in warren-like Downing Street.

Handout photo dated 19/06/20 issued by the House of Commons showing the then-prime minister Boris Johnson (right) at a gathering celebrating his birthday in the Cabinet Room at No 10
Mr Johnson says No 10’s official photographer was present at some gatherings – including one in the Cabinet Room on his birthday in June 2020

In his evidence, he says: “I did not believe that the guidance required full social distancing at all times.”

The committee, though, might also want to explore whether alarm bells should have rung in Mr Johnson’s head about an event he didn’t attend.

He admits he was told that the press office gathering of December 2020 involved drink, cheese and a Secret Santa.

When the cat (or Big Dog)’s away

The committee are suggesting Mr Johnson could have told the House more about gatherings at which he was present, but he will argue that most of the controversial events only slid in to breaches of the rules when he was absent.

And he will point out that since he was issued with only one Fixed Penalty Notice, then the police must have accepted that he did not breach any rules at any other events.

So he had no knowledge of wrongdoing to divulge.

And the former occupant of No 10 will say that it is only his outspoken ex-adviser Dominic Cummings who claims he was warned about the nature of the May 2020 “garden party” – and that given Mr Cummings “animus” towards him, he is discredited as a witness.

The question is whether the committee has obtained any written evidence to back up the Cummings claims.

Errors and corrections

Even if the committee were to accept that Mr Johnson’s inaccurate statements were “inadvertent” they will question him on why he did not correct the record sooner, when it became clear what he had said had been untrue, rather than await the final Sue Gray report.

The former PM will challenge the committee’s assertion that he was slow to correct errors, arguing it would have been wrong to comment during a live police investigation – which concluded in May 2022, six days before he corrected the record.

When is a party not a party?

There is an intriguing communication in Mr Johnson’s 52 pages of evidence to the committee.

On 10 December 2021, he sent a message to his then-communications chief Jack Doyle asking “is there a way we can get the truth about this party out there”.

This was a reference to the December 2020 “Christmas party”, which Mr Johnson himself hadn’t attended.

He says he used the word “party” as “shorthand” but the committee may suggest its use demonstrates he did have knowledge of the social, rather than work, nature of the event.

The committee also has WhatsApp messages where Mr Doyle seems to admit he is struggling to find a way of explaining why a gathering in June 2020 was within the rules and that this “blows another great gaping hole in the PM’s account”.

Reports /TrainViral/

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Politics

Gething downfall delivers Starmer 1st headache

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Just when you’d have been forgiven for thinking politics might quieten down a bit…

The Welsh Labour government was for so long a case study in how the party could operate in power during its long years of opposition at Westminster.

And yet here we are less than a fortnight into a UK Labour government, and the Welsh Labour government is imploding.

So much for all that talk about bringing stability back to politics.

Last week Vaughan Gething was sharing smiles here not just with the new prime minister but the King too.

Now, he’s a goner, delivering Sir Keir Starmer a headache rather than a handshake.

When I was here in March covering Mr Gething’s victory, the seeds of his political demise were germinating before our eyes.

The donations row had already sprouted and his defeated opponent, Jeremy Miles, legged it from the venue without so much as any warm words about the victor on camera.

It was another sign of the cultivating anger, the political knotweed that would soon flourish and ensnare Vaughan Gething.

Along came the row about alleged leaking, a sacking, a confidence vote — and a first minister whose tenure up until today at least amounts to 2.4 times that of Liz Truss. Ouch.

Westminster has generated its fair share of turbulence in the last decade.

But it is far from unique as a source of turbulence in UK politics.

In February, Michelle O’Neill became first minister of Northern Ireland with Emma Little-Pengelly her deputy, after a long period without devolved government at Stormont.

In March, we had a new first minister of Wales, when Mark Drakeford stood down and Vaughan Gething took the job.

In April we had the resignation of the first minister of Scotland Humza Yousaf.

He was replaced the following month by John Swinney. June was the quiet month then. Just the small matter of a general election campaign.

And here we are in July, and Mr Gething is resigning.

So will begin another leadership race, a new government in Wales, a new first minister and a new team of senior Welsh ministers.

There will also be more arguments about Welsh Labour – its direction, its priorities, its capacity to govern effectively and its relationship with the UK party.

If you’re watching this in Downing Street, it’s the last thing you need.

Reports /Trainviral/

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Shoplifting crackdown expected to be unveiled

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A crackdown on shoplifting is expected to be announced in the King’s Speech on Wednesday.

The government is due to unveil a new crime bill to target people who steal goods worth less than £200.

The policy would be a reversal of 2014 legislation that meant “low-value” thefts worth under £200 were subject to less serious punishment.

The government is also expected to introduce a specific offence of assaulting a shop worker to its legislative agenda.

It will not be clear until legislation passes through Parliament what the punishments for any new or strengthened offences would be.

Data from the Office for National Statistics shows that last year was the worst on record for shoplifting in England and Wales.

Police recorded over 430,000 offences in those nations in 2023 – though retailers say underreporting means these figures are likely to represent only a fraction of the true number of incidents.

Michelle Whitehead, who works at a convenience store in Wolverhampton, said her shop had been “hit every day” by thieves.

People were stealing “absolutely anything” including “tins of spam, tins of corned beef, all the fresh meat”, Ms Whitehead told BBC Radio 4’s World at One programme.

“They’re just coming in, getting their whole arm and sweeping the lot off the shelves,” she said. “The shelves were always empty.”

She said she believed “organised” criminal gangs, rather than individuals struggling with the cost of living, were behind the thefts in her shop.

The crackdown on “low-value” shoplifting “will help a lot of little shops,” Ms Whitehead said.

While retailers and shop workers have welcomed the anticipated proposals, a civil liberties group has raised concerns about criminalising people struggling to make ends meet and overburdening the prison system.

The new legal measures are expected to be announced as part of the King’s Speech on Wednesday, a key piece of the State Opening of Parliament that allows the government to outline its priorities over the coming months.

Before the general election, the Labour Party pledged to reverse what it described as the “shoplifter’s charter” – a piece of 2014 legislation that reduced the criminal punishment for “low-value shoplifting”.

Tom Holder, spokesperson for the British Retail Consortium (BRC), told BBC News the impact of the 2014 legislation has been to “deprioritise it in the eyes of police”.

“I think police would be less likely to turn up to what they see as low-level theft,” he said.

Shoplifting cost retailers £1.8 billion in the last year, which could impact prices, according to the BRC.

“Shoplifting harms everyone in that sense – those costs eventually get made up somewhere, whether it’s prices going up or other prices that can’t come down,” Mr Holder said.

Co-op campaigns and public affairs director Paul Gerrard said the supermarket chain had also recorded rising theft and violence against shop workers.

“There’s always been people who will steal to make ends meet. That’s not what is behind the rise we’ve seen,” he told BBC Radio 4’s Today programme on Tuesday. “What’s behind that rise is individuals and gangs targeting large volumes of stock in stores for resale in illicit venues like pubs, clubs, markets, and out the back of cars.”

But Jodie Beck, policy and campaigns officer at civil liberties organisation Liberty, had concerns about the expected proposals, saying there is “already a wide range of powers” the police can use to tackle shoplifting and anti-social behaviour levelled at retail staff.

Ms Beck said the “£200 threshold” would not just target criminal gangs but also “people who are pushed into the desperate situation of not paying for things” because they cannot afford to make ends meet.

She urged the government to avoid focusing on “criminal justice and policing solutions instead of doing the thoughtful work of looking at the root causes of crime, which we believe are related to poverty and inequality”.

Ms Beck also argued the additional legislation could serve to worsen the UK’s “enormous court backlog” and its “bursting prison system”.

Last week, Justice Secretary Shabana Mahmood announced plans to release thousands of prisoners early to ease overcrowding in the country’s prisons.

A spokesperson for Downing Street said the government would not comment on the King’s Speech until it has been delivered by the monarch.

The National Police Chiefs’ Council has been approached for comment.

Reports /Trainviral/

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Government launches ‘root and branch’ review

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Defence Secretary John Healey hailed the government’s defence review as the “first of its kind” and said it will “take a fresh look at the challenges we face”.

Mr Healey noted the “increasing instability and uncertainty” around the world, including the conflict in the Middle East and war in Ukraine, and said “threats are growing”.

The strategic defence review will consider the current state of the armed forces, the threats the UK faces and the capabilities needed to address them.

Sir Keir Starmer has previously said the review will set out a “roadmap” to the goal of spending 2.5% of national income on defence – a target he has made a “cast iron” commitment to but is yet to put a timeline on.

On Monday, the prime minister said the “root and branch review” of the armed forces would help prepare the UK for “a more dangerous and volatile world”.

The review will invite submissions from the military, veterans, MPs, the defence industry, the public, academics and the UK’s allies until the end of September and aims to deliver its findings in the first half of 2025.

“I promised the British people I would deliver the change needed to take our country forward, and I promised action not words,” Sir Keir said.

“That’s why one of my first acts since taking office is to launch our strategic defence review.

“We will make sure our hollowed out armed forces are bolstered and respected, that defence spending is responsibly increased, and that our country has the capabilities needed to ensure the UK’s resilience for the long term.”

The review will be overseen by Defence Secretary John Healey and headed by former Nato Secretary General Lord Robertson along with former US presidential advisor Fiona Hill and former Joint Force Commander Gen Sir Richard Barrons.

The group will have their work cut out.

The global security threats facing the UK and its Western allies are more serious and more complex than at any time since the end of the Cold War in 1990.

They also coincide with what many commentators have said is a catastrophic running down of the UK’s armed forces to the point where the country is arguably no longer considered to be a Tier One military force.

In terms of the number of troops in its regular forces, the British Army is now at its smallest size since the time of the Napoleonic Wars two centuries ago.

Recruitment is failing to match retention, with many soldiers and officers complaining about neglected and substandard accommodation.

The Royal Navy, which has spent vast sums on its two centrepiece aircraft carriers, is in need of many more surface ships to fulfil its tasks around the globe.

Its ageing fleet of nuclear-armed Vanguard submarines, the cornerstone of the UK’s strategic defence and known as the Continuous At Sea Deterrent (CASD), is overdue for replacement by four Dreadnought class submarines and costs are mounting.

Commenting on the review, Mr Healey said: “Hollowed-out armed forces, procurement waste and neglected morale cannot continue.”

Too many UK commitments?

The defence and security threats facing the UK, Nato and its allies further afield are multiple.

They include a war raging on Europe’s eastern flank in Ukraine against Russia’s full-scale invasion. The UK, along with the EU and Nato, has opted to help defend Ukraine with multi-billion pound packages of weapons and aid, stopping short of committing combat troops.

The policy behind this is not entirely altruistic. European governments, especially those closest to Russia like Poland and the Baltic states, fear that if President Putin wins the war in Ukraine it will not be long before he rebuilds his army and invades them next.

Some of those countries are already busy beefing up their own defence spending closer to 3% or even 4% of GDP.

The challenge for Nato has been how to provide Ukraine with as much weaponry as it can, without provoking Russia into retaliating against a Nato state and risk triggering a third world war.

The Royal Navy has been in action recently in the Red Sea, where it has been operating alongside the US Navy in fending off attacks on shipping by the Iranian-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen.

But the UK has also made naval commitments further afield in the South China Sea with the Aukus pact, comprising of Australia, UK and the US, aimed at containing Chinese expansion in the region.

Critics have questioned whether a financially-constrained UK can afford to make commitments like this on the other side of the world.

Closer to home in Europe, there is a growing threat from so-called “hybrid warfare” attacks, suspected of coming from Russia.

These are anonymous, unattributable attacks on undersea pipelines and telecoms cables on which Western nations depend.

As tensions increase with Moscow there are fears such actions will only increase and the UK cannot possibly hope to guard all of its coastline all of the time.

But while those nervous Nato partners living close to Russia’s borders are busy beefing up their defence spending closer to 3 or even 4% of GDP, the UK has so far declined to put a timetable on when it will raise its own defence spending to just 2.5%.

Opposition figures have criticised the government for refusing to say when defence spending will be increased.

Before his election defeat, former prime minister Rishi Sunak committed to reaching 2.5% by 2030.

Shadow defence secretary James Cartlidge previously said: “In a world that is more volatile and dangerous than at any time since the Cold War, Keir Starmer’s Labour government had a clear choice to match the Conservatives’ fully funded pledge to spend 2.5% of GDP on defence by 2030.

“By failing to do so, they’ve created huge uncertainty for our armed forces, at the worst possible time.”

Reports /Trainviral/

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