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What to expect from politics in 2023

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2022 was transformative.

The year gone by, with the political decapitation of two prime ministers, repeatedly changed how we are governed, and by whom.

But it also radically altered the dynamic between our political parties.

As we look ahead to 2023, it’s the chaos of 2022 in the rear view mirror that moulds what appears to be the political road ahead.

No general election expected

For a start, political leaders across Westminster don’t expect 2023 to be a general election year.

Only Rishi Sunak or a significant chunk of Conservative MPs alongside opposition parties could bring about an early election, and given Tory opinion poll ratings are in the gutter, that seems unlikely, as things stand.

The widespread expectation is the Conservatives will run the clock down on this parliamentary term.

There has to be a general election by January 2025 at the latest.

The current guessing game tends to conclude that the summer or autumn of 2024 is the most likely timing.

So that means 2023 will likely be the year before an election year – and that is likely to shape how the next 12 months feel.

“The year the election is won or lost,” as one senior Labour figure put it to me. “The campaign probably won’t make much difference. But 2023 will.”

The Conservatives

“It was a flipping disaster,” one senior minister nearly said to me just before Christmas, reflecting on the months just gone.

I don’t want to crack your screen by quoting them verbatim.

The reaction to the toppling of first Boris Johnson and then Liz Truss has had several consequences.

Firstly, it’s made dull exciting again.

After a year of thrash metal, an interlude of mild jazz will have a contrasting appeal to some.

Rishi Sunak embarked on his stint as prime minister by seeking to make a virtue of a quiet seriousness.

His team decided they wouldn’t be noisily picking public fights, especially with their own side.

But, as we saw in the final weeks of the year, when you’re in Downing Street, noisy public fights knock on that front door nearly daily and you have to choose how to respond.

Rishi Sunak

To maintain that quietness can mean conceding, as Mr Sunak did on allowing onshore wind farms in England and diluting house building targets in England after pressure from his own backbenchers.

It poses a question about how much the prime minister will be able to get done on his own terms in 2023.

And how restive his backbenchers may become, particularly if the local elections in May are bleak for the Conservatives.

But one consequence of 2022 should help Mr Sunak.

I was chatting to a Cabinet minister the other day, who was reflecting that so bonkers was the instability in the Conservative Party over the last 12 months, its appetite for insurrection, for civil war, has waned.

A party which, at points, appeared to have a death wish, has had second thoughts.

As we have already seen, that doesn’t mean by any means backbenchers are powerless, but talk of toppling the leaders, plotting leadership campaigns and such like feels very 2022.

The backdrop to everything is inflation pickpocketing us all and accelerating the waves of strikes we’ve already seen and will continue to see well into the new year.

Will ministers be able to continue to resist offering public sector workers more money?

Will the rate of price rises ease sufficiently quickly, or public opinion turn against strikers sufficiently fast for the government to be able to avoid this?

On this theme, in the early weeks of January, we can expect to see the government broaden out its plan to try to reduce the impact of industrial action, especially in the emergency services.

There are ministers pushing to see strikes banned for ambulance staff and firefighters.

Others say higher minimum service levels must be set down in law, to at least minimise the impact of such strikes.

And legislation is also promised by Rishi Sunak on small boat crossings over the Channel.

Both these issues are likely to, broadly at least, bring together the Tory backbenches, and pose interesting questions for how Labour responds.

Labour

So how will Labour approach 2023?

“I go around reminding anyone in the party who’ll listen that we absolutely cannot be complacent,” one senior figure tells me over a cuppa.

“We are up against the most successful electoral force there has ever been in western democracy,” they add, referring to the Conservatives.

The fact the word “complacency” and the potential dangers of it for Labour is even uttered tells you everything about just how transformative 2022 was.

As Conservative fortunes in the opinion polls cratered, Labour’s headed towards the moon.

Most on both sides think the current polls flatter Labour, Conservative support will pick up and things will tighten in the run in to an election.

But, nonetheless, the working assumption around Westminster is it is likely Labour will form the next government.

This assumption, even if it turns out to be wrong, is important, because it shapes the political weather of the year ahead.

Being seen as a government in waiting brings with it greater scrutiny.

Keir Starmer

“What would you do?” Will be asked of Keir Starmer and his shadow cabinet every single day of 2023.

And, often, they will sound circumspect; reticent to set out too many specific policies too early, for fear they are hostages to fortune (ie duds) or (so good) they get nicked from under their nose and implemented by the government.

Sir Keir has already spent time trying to box off potential points of vulnerability for a party seeking to persuade people who voted Conservative last time to vote Labour next time.

Hence his desire not to question the fundamentals of the UK’s new relationship with the European Union and his claim the UK has an “immigration dependency” as he put it.

His challenge now, those close to him acknowledge, is to better shape people’s understanding of what he stands for and make the positive case for voting Labour, rather than merely being the default alternative for those fed up of the Conservatives.

Expect 2023 to be the year the party attempts to build the profile of a handful of senior shadow cabinet figures; the faces and voices making Labour’s case on the telly, radio and online.

Don’t be surprised to see and hear more from the likes of shadow chancellor Rachel Reeves, the shadow education secretary Bridget Phillipson and the shadow health secretary Wes Streeting among others.

And privately, there’ll be more pleas to avoid complacency.

“The polls can’t predict events,” warns one adviser. “Who knows what might happen?”

Scottish National Party

The story for plenty of the opposition parties at Westminster is one of confidence.

The SNP remain the overwhelmingly dominant force in Scottish politics: 15 years in government at Holyrood, and with three quarters of the nation’s MPs.

But their options for securing their much dreamed about second independence referendum are running out and Labour’s apparent resurgence poses interesting questions for them too.

The line “Scotland ends up with Tory governments it doesn’t vote for” isn’t quite so electorally potent if a Labour government looks increasingly likely after the next election.

So we are already seeing the SNP tilt some of its attack lines in Labour’s direction as well as the Conservatives’.

And the party at Westminster is under new leadership: Stephen Flynn has replaced Ian Blackford; the SNP will have a new face and voice in 2023.

Liberal Democrats

Sir Ed Davey’s party has just 14 MPs.

They are tiddlers in parliamentary terms, making up just over 2% of MPs at Westminster.

But there is a fair chance they have an outsized contribution to make for the remainder of this Parliament.

That is because of their by-election performances: their win in Tiverton and Honiton in Devon in 2022, after their wins in North Shropshire and Chesham and Amersham in Buckinghamshire in 2021.

In short, they have the capacity to frighten Conservatives in seats where Labour are miles behind and they are competitive.

Sir Ed is streamlining the party’s campaigning effort, massively culling the number of seats the party will target at the next election.

It was miles more last time and the party went backwards, with their then-leader Jo Swinson losing her seat.

The focus is likely to be on 20 to 30 seats and trying to pick distinctive policy themes they can be seen to own.

Precisely what they are, and capturing enough attention for people to notice what they are, will be their challenge.

Reform UK

This is the political outfit that emerged out of first UKIP and then the Brexit Party.

It is led by Richard Tice, a former member of the European Parliament.

He detects political space, often, but not always, to the right of the government, since the arrival of Rishi Sunak and Chancellor Jeremy Hunt in Downing Street.

Expect policy ideas to come on education and health, with a greater involvement for the private sector in both, that will be distinctive and have the capacity to provoke a row and, so, potentially generate attention.

And, loitering in the wings, the party’s president, one Nigel Farage.

The party’s promising to stand in every seat in Britain at the next general election, and even though winning any will be a tall order, they have the potential to frighten some Conservatives in some spots, by luring enough voters away to allow someone else to win.

So… 2023 beckons.

And there ends my scribbles.

But as for what will actually happen… let’s see!

Reports /TrainViral/

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Politics

Gething downfall delivers Starmer 1st headache

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Just when you’d have been forgiven for thinking politics might quieten down a bit…

The Welsh Labour government was for so long a case study in how the party could operate in power during its long years of opposition at Westminster.

And yet here we are less than a fortnight into a UK Labour government, and the Welsh Labour government is imploding.

So much for all that talk about bringing stability back to politics.

Last week Vaughan Gething was sharing smiles here not just with the new prime minister but the King too.

Now, he’s a goner, delivering Sir Keir Starmer a headache rather than a handshake.

When I was here in March covering Mr Gething’s victory, the seeds of his political demise were germinating before our eyes.

The donations row had already sprouted and his defeated opponent, Jeremy Miles, legged it from the venue without so much as any warm words about the victor on camera.

It was another sign of the cultivating anger, the political knotweed that would soon flourish and ensnare Vaughan Gething.

Along came the row about alleged leaking, a sacking, a confidence vote — and a first minister whose tenure up until today at least amounts to 2.4 times that of Liz Truss. Ouch.

Westminster has generated its fair share of turbulence in the last decade.

But it is far from unique as a source of turbulence in UK politics.

In February, Michelle O’Neill became first minister of Northern Ireland with Emma Little-Pengelly her deputy, after a long period without devolved government at Stormont.

In March, we had a new first minister of Wales, when Mark Drakeford stood down and Vaughan Gething took the job.

In April we had the resignation of the first minister of Scotland Humza Yousaf.

He was replaced the following month by John Swinney. June was the quiet month then. Just the small matter of a general election campaign.

And here we are in July, and Mr Gething is resigning.

So will begin another leadership race, a new government in Wales, a new first minister and a new team of senior Welsh ministers.

There will also be more arguments about Welsh Labour – its direction, its priorities, its capacity to govern effectively and its relationship with the UK party.

If you’re watching this in Downing Street, it’s the last thing you need.

Reports /Trainviral/

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Shoplifting crackdown expected to be unveiled

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A crackdown on shoplifting is expected to be announced in the King’s Speech on Wednesday.

The government is due to unveil a new crime bill to target people who steal goods worth less than £200.

The policy would be a reversal of 2014 legislation that meant “low-value” thefts worth under £200 were subject to less serious punishment.

The government is also expected to introduce a specific offence of assaulting a shop worker to its legislative agenda.

It will not be clear until legislation passes through Parliament what the punishments for any new or strengthened offences would be.

Data from the Office for National Statistics shows that last year was the worst on record for shoplifting in England and Wales.

Police recorded over 430,000 offences in those nations in 2023 – though retailers say underreporting means these figures are likely to represent only a fraction of the true number of incidents.

Michelle Whitehead, who works at a convenience store in Wolverhampton, said her shop had been “hit every day” by thieves.

People were stealing “absolutely anything” including “tins of spam, tins of corned beef, all the fresh meat”, Ms Whitehead told BBC Radio 4’s World at One programme.

“They’re just coming in, getting their whole arm and sweeping the lot off the shelves,” she said. “The shelves were always empty.”

She said she believed “organised” criminal gangs, rather than individuals struggling with the cost of living, were behind the thefts in her shop.

The crackdown on “low-value” shoplifting “will help a lot of little shops,” Ms Whitehead said.

While retailers and shop workers have welcomed the anticipated proposals, a civil liberties group has raised concerns about criminalising people struggling to make ends meet and overburdening the prison system.

The new legal measures are expected to be announced as part of the King’s Speech on Wednesday, a key piece of the State Opening of Parliament that allows the government to outline its priorities over the coming months.

Before the general election, the Labour Party pledged to reverse what it described as the “shoplifter’s charter” – a piece of 2014 legislation that reduced the criminal punishment for “low-value shoplifting”.

Tom Holder, spokesperson for the British Retail Consortium (BRC), told BBC News the impact of the 2014 legislation has been to “deprioritise it in the eyes of police”.

“I think police would be less likely to turn up to what they see as low-level theft,” he said.

Shoplifting cost retailers £1.8 billion in the last year, which could impact prices, according to the BRC.

“Shoplifting harms everyone in that sense – those costs eventually get made up somewhere, whether it’s prices going up or other prices that can’t come down,” Mr Holder said.

Co-op campaigns and public affairs director Paul Gerrard said the supermarket chain had also recorded rising theft and violence against shop workers.

“There’s always been people who will steal to make ends meet. That’s not what is behind the rise we’ve seen,” he told BBC Radio 4’s Today programme on Tuesday. “What’s behind that rise is individuals and gangs targeting large volumes of stock in stores for resale in illicit venues like pubs, clubs, markets, and out the back of cars.”

But Jodie Beck, policy and campaigns officer at civil liberties organisation Liberty, had concerns about the expected proposals, saying there is “already a wide range of powers” the police can use to tackle shoplifting and anti-social behaviour levelled at retail staff.

Ms Beck said the “£200 threshold” would not just target criminal gangs but also “people who are pushed into the desperate situation of not paying for things” because they cannot afford to make ends meet.

She urged the government to avoid focusing on “criminal justice and policing solutions instead of doing the thoughtful work of looking at the root causes of crime, which we believe are related to poverty and inequality”.

Ms Beck also argued the additional legislation could serve to worsen the UK’s “enormous court backlog” and its “bursting prison system”.

Last week, Justice Secretary Shabana Mahmood announced plans to release thousands of prisoners early to ease overcrowding in the country’s prisons.

A spokesperson for Downing Street said the government would not comment on the King’s Speech until it has been delivered by the monarch.

The National Police Chiefs’ Council has been approached for comment.

Reports /Trainviral/

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Government launches ‘root and branch’ review

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Defence Secretary John Healey hailed the government’s defence review as the “first of its kind” and said it will “take a fresh look at the challenges we face”.

Mr Healey noted the “increasing instability and uncertainty” around the world, including the conflict in the Middle East and war in Ukraine, and said “threats are growing”.

The strategic defence review will consider the current state of the armed forces, the threats the UK faces and the capabilities needed to address them.

Sir Keir Starmer has previously said the review will set out a “roadmap” to the goal of spending 2.5% of national income on defence – a target he has made a “cast iron” commitment to but is yet to put a timeline on.

On Monday, the prime minister said the “root and branch review” of the armed forces would help prepare the UK for “a more dangerous and volatile world”.

The review will invite submissions from the military, veterans, MPs, the defence industry, the public, academics and the UK’s allies until the end of September and aims to deliver its findings in the first half of 2025.

“I promised the British people I would deliver the change needed to take our country forward, and I promised action not words,” Sir Keir said.

“That’s why one of my first acts since taking office is to launch our strategic defence review.

“We will make sure our hollowed out armed forces are bolstered and respected, that defence spending is responsibly increased, and that our country has the capabilities needed to ensure the UK’s resilience for the long term.”

The review will be overseen by Defence Secretary John Healey and headed by former Nato Secretary General Lord Robertson along with former US presidential advisor Fiona Hill and former Joint Force Commander Gen Sir Richard Barrons.

The group will have their work cut out.

The global security threats facing the UK and its Western allies are more serious and more complex than at any time since the end of the Cold War in 1990.

They also coincide with what many commentators have said is a catastrophic running down of the UK’s armed forces to the point where the country is arguably no longer considered to be a Tier One military force.

In terms of the number of troops in its regular forces, the British Army is now at its smallest size since the time of the Napoleonic Wars two centuries ago.

Recruitment is failing to match retention, with many soldiers and officers complaining about neglected and substandard accommodation.

The Royal Navy, which has spent vast sums on its two centrepiece aircraft carriers, is in need of many more surface ships to fulfil its tasks around the globe.

Its ageing fleet of nuclear-armed Vanguard submarines, the cornerstone of the UK’s strategic defence and known as the Continuous At Sea Deterrent (CASD), is overdue for replacement by four Dreadnought class submarines and costs are mounting.

Commenting on the review, Mr Healey said: “Hollowed-out armed forces, procurement waste and neglected morale cannot continue.”

Too many UK commitments?

The defence and security threats facing the UK, Nato and its allies further afield are multiple.

They include a war raging on Europe’s eastern flank in Ukraine against Russia’s full-scale invasion. The UK, along with the EU and Nato, has opted to help defend Ukraine with multi-billion pound packages of weapons and aid, stopping short of committing combat troops.

The policy behind this is not entirely altruistic. European governments, especially those closest to Russia like Poland and the Baltic states, fear that if President Putin wins the war in Ukraine it will not be long before he rebuilds his army and invades them next.

Some of those countries are already busy beefing up their own defence spending closer to 3% or even 4% of GDP.

The challenge for Nato has been how to provide Ukraine with as much weaponry as it can, without provoking Russia into retaliating against a Nato state and risk triggering a third world war.

The Royal Navy has been in action recently in the Red Sea, where it has been operating alongside the US Navy in fending off attacks on shipping by the Iranian-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen.

But the UK has also made naval commitments further afield in the South China Sea with the Aukus pact, comprising of Australia, UK and the US, aimed at containing Chinese expansion in the region.

Critics have questioned whether a financially-constrained UK can afford to make commitments like this on the other side of the world.

Closer to home in Europe, there is a growing threat from so-called “hybrid warfare” attacks, suspected of coming from Russia.

These are anonymous, unattributable attacks on undersea pipelines and telecoms cables on which Western nations depend.

As tensions increase with Moscow there are fears such actions will only increase and the UK cannot possibly hope to guard all of its coastline all of the time.

But while those nervous Nato partners living close to Russia’s borders are busy beefing up their defence spending closer to 3 or even 4% of GDP, the UK has so far declined to put a timetable on when it will raise its own defence spending to just 2.5%.

Opposition figures have criticised the government for refusing to say when defence spending will be increased.

Before his election defeat, former prime minister Rishi Sunak committed to reaching 2.5% by 2030.

Shadow defence secretary James Cartlidge previously said: “In a world that is more volatile and dangerous than at any time since the Cold War, Keir Starmer’s Labour government had a clear choice to match the Conservatives’ fully funded pledge to spend 2.5% of GDP on defence by 2030.

“By failing to do so, they’ve created huge uncertainty for our armed forces, at the worst possible time.”

Reports /Trainviral/

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